https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnamese_phonology
Finals : When stops /p, t, k/ occur at the end of words, they have no audible release ([p̚, t̚, k̚]):
| đáp |
‘to reply’ |
/ɗap/ |
→ |
[ɗap̚] |
| mát |
‘cool’ |
/mat/ |
→ |
[mat̚] |
| khác |
‘different’ |
/xak/ |
→ |
[xak̚] |
When the velar consonants /k, ŋ/ are after /u, o, ɔ/, they are articulated with a simultaneous bilabial closure [k͡p̚, ŋ͡m] (i.e. doubly articulated) or are strongly labialized [k̚ʷ, ŋʷ].
| đục |
‘murky’ |
/ɗuk/ |
→ |
[ɗuk͡p̚], [ɗʊk̚ʷ] |
| độc |
‘poison’ |
/ɗok/ |
→ |
[ɗə̆wk͡p̚], [ɗə̆wk̚ʷ] |
| đọc |
‘to read’ |
/ɗɔk/ |
→ |
[ɗăwk͡p̚], [ɗăwk̚ʷ] |
| ung |
‘cancer’ |
/uŋ/ |
→ |
[uŋ͡m], [ʊŋʷ] |
| ông |
‘man’/’grandfather’ |
/oŋ/ |
→ |
[ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wŋʷ] |
| ong |
‘bee’ |
/ɔŋ/ |
→ |
[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwŋʷ] |
Hanoi finals
Analysis of final ch, nh
The pronunciation of syllable-final ch and nh in Hanoi Vietnamese has had different analyses. One analysis, that of Thompson (1965) has them as being phonemes /c, ɲ/, where /c/ contrasts with both syllable-final t /t/ and c /k/, and /ɲ/ contrasts with syllable-final n /n/ and ng /ŋ/. Final /c, ɲ/ is, then, identified with syllable-initial /c, ɲ/.
Another analysis has final ⟨ch⟩ and ⟨nh⟩ as representing different spellings of the velar phonemes /k/ and /ŋ/ that occur after upper front vowels /i/ (orthographic ⟨i⟩) and /e/ (orthographic ⟨ê⟩). This analysis interprets orthographic ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as an underlying /ɛ/, which becomes phonetically open and diphthongized: /ɛk/ → [ăjk̟̚], /ɛŋ/ → [ăjŋ̟].[10] This diphthongization also affects ⟨êch⟩ and ⟨ênh⟩: /ek/ → [ə̆jk̟̚], /eŋ/ → [ə̆jŋ̟].
Arguments for the second analysis include the limited distribution of final [c] and [ɲ], the gap in the distribution of [k] and [ŋ] which do not occur after [i] and [e], the pronunciation of ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as [ɛc] and [ɛɲ] in certain conservative central dialects,[11] and the patterning of [k]~[c] and [ŋ]~[ɲ] in certain reduplicated words. Additionally, final [c] is not articulated as far forward as the initial [c]: [c] and [ɲ] are pre-velar [k̟, ŋ̟] with no alveolar contact.[12]
The first analysis closely follows the surface pronunciation of a slightly different Hanoi dialect than the second. In this dialect, the /a/ in /ac/ and /aɲ/ is not diphthongized but is actually articulated more forward, approaching a front vowel [æ]. This results in a three-way contrast between the rimes ăn [æ̈n] vs. anh [æ̈ɲ] vs. ăng [æ̈ŋ]. For this reason, a separate phonemic /ɲ/ is posited.
Table of Hanoi finals
The following rimes ending with velar consonants have been diphthongized in the Hanoi dialect, but /i/, /u/ and /ɨ/ are more open:[11]
| ong, oc |
/awŋ/, /awk/ |
→ |
[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚] |
| ông, ôc |
/əwŋ/, /əwk/ |
→ |
[ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wk͡p̚] |
| ung, uc |
/uŋ/, /uk/ |
→ |
[ʊŋ͡m], [ʊk͡p̚] |
| ưng, ưc, ưn, ưt |
/ɨŋ/, /ɨk/, /ɨn/, /ɨt/ |
→ |
[ɯ̽ŋ], [ɯ̽k̟̚], [ɯ̽n], [ɯ̽t̚] |
| anh, ach |
/ɛŋ/, /ɛk/ |
→ |
[ăjŋ̟], [ăjk̟̚] |
| ênh, êch |
/eŋ/, /ek/ |
→ |
[ə̆jŋ̟], [ə̆jk̟̚] |
| inh, ich |
/iŋ/, /ik/ |
→ |
[ɪŋ̟], [ɪk̟̚] |
With the above phonemic analyses, the following is a table of rimes ending in /n, t, ŋ, k/ in the Hanoi dialect:
|
/ă/ |
/a/ |
/ɛ/ |
/ɔ/, /aw/ |
/ə̆/ |
/ə/ |
/e/ |
/o/ |
/i/ |
/ɨ/ |
/u/ |
/iə̯/ |
/ɨə̯/ |
/uə̯/ |
| /n/ |
ăn |
an |
en |
on |
ân |
ơn |
ên |
ôn |
in |
ưn |
un |
iên |
ươn |
uôn |
| /t/ |
ăt |
at |
et |
ot |
ât |
ơt |
êt |
ôt |
it |
ưt |
ut |
iêt |
ươt |
uôt |
| /ŋ/ |
ăng |
ang |
anh |
ong |
âng |
– |
ênh |
ông |
inh |
ưng |
ung |
iêng |
ương |
uông |
| /k/ |
ăc |
ac |
ach |
oc |
âc |
– |
êch |
ôc |
ich |
ưc |
uc |
iêc |
ươc |
uôc |
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phonetics
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phonology
