https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnamese_phonology
Finals : When stops /p, t, k/ occur at the end of words, they have no audible release ([p̚, t̚, k̚]):
| đáp | ‘to reply’ | /ɗap/ | → | [ɗap̚] |
| mát | ‘cool’ | /mat/ | → | [mat̚] |
| khác | ‘different’ | /xak/ | → | [xak̚] |
When the velar consonants /k, ŋ/ are after /u, o, ɔ/, they are articulated with a simultaneous bilabial closure [k͡p̚, ŋ͡m] (i.e. doubly articulated) or are strongly labialized [k̚ʷ, ŋʷ].
| đục | ‘murky’ | /ɗuk/ | → | [ɗuk͡p̚], [ɗʊk̚ʷ] |
| độc | ‘poison’ | /ɗok/ | → | [ɗə̆wk͡p̚], [ɗə̆wk̚ʷ] |
| đọc | ‘to read’ | /ɗɔk/ | → | [ɗăwk͡p̚], [ɗăwk̚ʷ] |
| ung | ‘cancer’ | /uŋ/ | → | [uŋ͡m], [ʊŋʷ] |
| ông | ‘man’/’grandfather’ | /oŋ/ | → | [ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wŋʷ] |
| ong | ‘bee’ | /ɔŋ/ | → | [ăwŋ͡m], [ăwŋʷ] |
Hanoi finals
Analysis of final ch, nh
The pronunciation of syllable-final ch and nh in Hanoi Vietnamese has had different analyses. One analysis, that of Thompson (1965) has them as being phonemes /c, ɲ/, where /c/ contrasts with both syllable-final t /t/ and c /k/, and /ɲ/ contrasts with syllable-final n /n/ and ng /ŋ/. Final /c, ɲ/ is, then, identified with syllable-initial /c, ɲ/.
Another analysis has final ⟨ch⟩ and ⟨nh⟩ as representing different spellings of the velar phonemes /k/ and /ŋ/ that occur after upper front vowels /i/ (orthographic ⟨i⟩) and /e/ (orthographic ⟨ê⟩). This analysis interprets orthographic ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as an underlying /ɛ/, which becomes phonetically open and diphthongized: /ɛk/ → [ăjk̟̚], /ɛŋ/ → [ăjŋ̟].[10] This diphthongization also affects ⟨êch⟩ and ⟨ênh⟩: /ek/ → [ə̆jk̟̚], /eŋ/ → [ə̆jŋ̟].
Arguments for the second analysis include the limited distribution of final [c] and [ɲ], the gap in the distribution of [k] and [ŋ] which do not occur after [i] and [e], the pronunciation of ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as [ɛc] and [ɛɲ] in certain conservative central dialects,[11] and the patterning of [k]~[c] and [ŋ]~[ɲ] in certain reduplicated words. Additionally, final [c] is not articulated as far forward as the initial [c]: [c] and [ɲ] are pre-velar [k̟, ŋ̟] with no alveolar contact.[12]
The first analysis closely follows the surface pronunciation of a slightly different Hanoi dialect than the second. In this dialect, the /a/ in /ac/ and /aɲ/ is not diphthongized but is actually articulated more forward, approaching a front vowel [æ]. This results in a three-way contrast between the rimes ăn [æ̈n] vs. anh [æ̈ɲ] vs. ăng [æ̈ŋ]. For this reason, a separate phonemic /ɲ/ is posited.
Table of Hanoi finals
The following rimes ending with velar consonants have been diphthongized in the Hanoi dialect, but /i/, /u/ and /ɨ/ are more open:[11]
| ong, oc | /awŋ/, /awk/ | → | [ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚] |
| ông, ôc | /əwŋ/, /əwk/ | → | [ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wk͡p̚] |
| ung, uc | /uŋ/, /uk/ | → | [ʊŋ͡m], [ʊk͡p̚] |
| ưng, ưc, ưn, ưt | /ɨŋ/, /ɨk/, /ɨn/, /ɨt/ | → | [ɯ̽ŋ], [ɯ̽k̟̚], [ɯ̽n], [ɯ̽t̚] |
| anh, ach | /ɛŋ/, /ɛk/ | → | [ăjŋ̟], [ăjk̟̚] |
| ênh, êch | /eŋ/, /ek/ | → | [ə̆jŋ̟], [ə̆jk̟̚] |
| inh, ich | /iŋ/, /ik/ | → | [ɪŋ̟], [ɪk̟̚] |
With the above phonemic analyses, the following is a table of rimes ending in /n, t, ŋ, k/ in the Hanoi dialect:
| /ă/ | /a/ | /ɛ/ | /ɔ/, /aw/ | /ə̆/ | /ə/ | /e/ | /o/ | /i/ | /ɨ/ | /u/ | /iə̯/ | /ɨə̯/ | /uə̯/ | |
| /n/ | ăn | an | en | on | ân | ơn | ên | ôn | in | ưn | un | iên | ươn | uôn |
| /t/ | ăt | at | et | ot | ât | ơt | êt | ôt | it | ưt | ut | iêt | ươt | uôt |
| /ŋ/ | ăng | ang | anh | ong | âng | – | ênh | ông | inh | ưng | ung | iêng | ương | uông |
| /k/ | ăc | ac | ach | oc | âc | – | êch | ôc | ich | ưc | uc | iêc | ươc | uôc |